Our monetary system is irrational

By Brian O’Brien
10/14/2015
 
Thomas Edison said he determined from a questionnaire that only 2 percent of the people think. He hoped for the day when the thoughtful 2 percent could be shouted down no longer on the money question and would lead us forward to monetary reform. He said this in an article in the New York Times in 1921. Nearly a century has passed since then. Today, unfortunately, the money question is rarely even asked.
 
Are you one of the thoughtful 2 percent?
 
Stop for a moment and try to explain our monetary system. Do you understand it? The system is not that complicated. Can you explain it to a high school student?
 
Well, can you do it?
 
Fortunately, the system is succinctly explained in an article titled Money creation in the modern economy, published by the Bank of England in 2014. According to the Bank of England, the volume of the money supply in our modern economy is determined by bank lending. Money enters circulation when banks make loans.
 
When banks increase lending, the money supply expands. When they decrease lending, the money supply contracts. The Federal Reserve, and central banks around the world, control the volume of the money supply by influencing bank lending through monetary policy (setting interest rates, setting bank reserve ratios and buying and selling treasury securities).
 
Money is created and entered into circulation as debt that must be paid back to banks. Our money supply is based almost entirely on debt.
 
No debt, no money. That’s our monetary system in a nutshell.
 
The fatal flaw with this system is that when banks make loans, only the principal on the loans enters circulation. However, the banks charge interest on the principal. So the banks collect more money from their loans than they enter into circulation.
 
Stop and think that one over. Money enters circulation when banks make loans. The loans have interest attached. But only the principal enters circulation. And the principal is the basis of the money supply. So where does the money to pay the interest come from? This is a riddle modern economists don’t ever seem to discuss.
 
In each generation, members of the thoughtful 2 percent figure out the answer to this riddle and become outraged. In each generation, as Edison pointed out in 1921, these American thinkers are shouted down by supporters of the system, and supporters of the system just so happen to dominate our media and academia.
 
So what is the answer to our riddle? How does the money to pay interest on bank loans enter circulation?
 
The answer is: The money to pay the interest on loans is never entered into circulation. For there to be enough money in our economy to pay interest on existing bank loans, the money supply must be continuously expanded by the issuance of new loans. Money that enters into circulation when banks issue new loans is used to pay the interest on old loans. But the new loans also have interest attached.
 
Banks must continually increase lending or there won’t be enough money in the economy to pay the interest on existing loans. In our monetary system, total debt must always exceed the money supply. That’s the way the system is designed.
 
Our current monetary system fits the classic definition of a Ponzi scheme. And all Ponzi schemes end in the same manner—collapse.
 
Once banks run out of borrowers who can take on more debt, lending slows. When lending slows, there is not enough new money entered into circulation to service existing debts. That is when defaults become more frequent. And when a borrower defaults, the lender can seize the borrower’s tangible assets.
 
Our current monetary system causes a predictable debt cycle of inflation, deflation and confiscation. Repeat this cycle decade after decade, generation after generation, and the bankers will own the Earth.
 
This system is entirely irrational, at least from the point of view of those of us who work for a living.
 
The foundation of our current system was laid in 1913 when Congress passed the Federal Reserve Act. The Act created the Federal Reserve System, which was designed by the leading bankers of the day to put themselves in control of the issuance and volume of the American money supply. The system was designed so that Federal Reserve bankers could make decisions and policy independent from the oversight of Congress or any other government agency.
 
In 1912 during the height of the debate about monetary policy in the United States before the Federal Reserve Act was passed, a Midwestern attorney named Alfred Owen Crozier published a book, titled U.S. Money vs. Corporation Currency. In his book, Crozier warned that Wall Street bankers were attempting to set up a “money trust” that would give them control of the bank reserves of the American people. He warned that Wall Street bankers were attempting to seize control of the American money supply for private profit and power, and if successful, no good would come of it for American workers, farmers and small businessmen.
 
Crozier wrote that if Wall Street got its way, “Then we shall have only corporate currency, and a government of the corporations, by the corporations and for the corporations—a 'soulless' corporate republic.”
 
Have his warnings not come to pass?
 
What Crozier wanted instead of the Federal Reserve was a “U.S. Monetary Council” consisting of 75 members appointed to two-year terms by Congress and the state legislatures. Each member could be impeached for cause. A majority vote of the people of any state could recall and replace their representative on the council. This U.S. Monetary Council would be responsible for regulating the American money supply.
 
Crozier’s Monetary Council was intended to be a public institution, not a private corporation. He wanted his council to have the power to regulate the banking system, fix the general discount rate, and issue and determine the volume of the public currency, under strict regulations and legal safeguards. His council was to be tasked to protect the country and commerce from bank panics and the evils of excessive currency—from credit inflations and contractions. Crozier imagined his council would guard against Wall Street influences and instead create monetary policy to serve the interests of the public, commerce and the nation at large.
 
It should be obvious to all by now that the Federal Reserve has failed to give us a stable monetary system. Instead, this system was designed to empower Wall Street banks at our expense. Is there any doubt that this statement is true? The system has enriched Goldman Sachs, Citibank and JPMorgan Chase, but it has been a disaster for the nation.
 
Perhaps it is time to listen to Crozier. We should replace the Federal Reserve with a U.S. Monetary Council designed under the American principles of separation of powers, transparency and accountability to the electorate. We could design a modern American monetary system that is not under the control of Wall Street banks, but instead designed to serve the interests of the American people, commerce and the nation at large.
 
Money does not have to enter circulation as debt owed to profit-seeking banks. In fact, that is probably the worst possible way to provide a medium of exchange for any nation. 
 
Currently, our government finances itself through taxation while covering its deficits by issuing interest-bearing bonds sold for cash to international banks. The government taxes our wages to pay interest on these bonds, which is profit for the bond holders. Currently, that interest amounts to over $400 billion a year, paid with our income taxes.
 
This is entirely unnecessary and destructive. It is a transfer of wealth from the people who do the work of the nation to people who collect interest off other people’s money. Instead of this ridiculous state of affairs, the Treasury should issue debt-free U.S. Notes to pay the federal government’s expenses. These U.S. Notes could then serve as a medium of exchange for the nation once entered into circulation when the government pays its bills. Under a system of debt-free U.S. Notes, the government does not need to finance itself through taxation and the selling of interest-bearing bonds. Instead, taxes would serve merely as a means to remove excess currency from circulation to prevent inflation and speculation. Under such a system, income taxes would be unnecessary and we could return to a constitutional tax system.
 
In 1729, Benjamin Franklin wrote an essay, titled A Modest Enquiry into the Nature and Necessity of Paper Currency, which supported Colonial Pennsylvania's issuance of colonial scrip and advocated for additional issuances. In the essay, Franklin pointed out that there is a certain quantity of money needed to carry out the commerce of a country. Too much money gives no advantage in trade and too little is exceedingly detrimental to it. The trick is finding the right balance between issuing too much, which causes rising prices, currency devaluation and economic ruin; and issuing too little, causing usurious interest rates, falling prices and depression.
 
Colonial Pennsylvania was able to find the right balance and experienced economic benefits from its issuance of colonial scrip. The Pennsylvania legislature printed the Pennsylvania pound and created public loan offices to lend the scrip to colonists who used their lands as collateral for the loans. The colonists spent the scrip on improving their lands, which increased productivity in the colony. Once they spent the scrip, it entered into circulation and was used as a medium of exchange, replacing scarce gold and silver coins. The legislature used the interest it charged on its loans as a replacement for taxes. It spent the interest on improving roads, ports and on other public services, which further enhanced commerce. Franklin commented that this system created prosperity in the colony.
 
In our modern economy, we could scrap debt-based Federal Reserve Notes and replace them with debt-free U.S. Notes. Our U.S. Monetary Council could be tasked to determine the proper volume of the money supply to ensure a stable medium of exchange that enhances commerce and serves the needs of the people, without ruinous inflation or deflation. The council could be made responsible for determining the volume of the money supply based on population, gross domestic product and the needs of commerce.
 
In our modern economy, we could use Colonial Pennsylvania’s example as a way to enter U.S. Notes into circulation at the local level. We could set up public loan offices in each congressional district. These public loan offices could lend U.S. Notes to home buyers and small businesses. The public loan offices could collect nominal interest on these loans and the interest could replace taxes and be spent for the public good—to fund schools, police and fire departments, roads, bridges, parks, or whatever the voters deem important in their communities. These public loan offices would be overseen and regulated by our U.S. Monetary Council. (I elaborate on such a system in my book.)
 
This American monetary system could give us a stable medium of exchange and serve the needs of the American people and our free enterprise system. It would be a system that serves Main Street, not Wall Street.
 
Congress created the Fed and Congress can end it. To break the power of Wall Street banks and retake control over our monetary system, we must elect monetary reformers to replace the current crowd of Wall Street-supported opportunists in Congress. 
 
We can reform our monetary system. We can abolish the Fed. We can replace it with a U.S. Monetary Council that provides us with a stable medium of exchange. We can replace debt-backed Federal Reserve Notes with debt-free U.S. Notes. We can create public loan offices to supply credit to home buyers and small businesses in our local economies. 
 
“Maybe they can't shout down American thinkers any longer,” Edison said. But American thinkers were shouted down back then.
 
However, today we have an advantage over Edison's contemporaries. In our era, information is available to us like never before in human history. The mysteries of our monetary system are being solved by more and more people. The irrationality of our current monetary system is gradually becoming common knowledge. This irrational system must change. A new rational system must replace it. 
 
“The only dynamite that works in this country is the dynamite of a sound idea,” Edison said. 
 
“If the United States Government will adopt this policy of increasing its national wealth without contributing to the interest collector—for the whole national debt is made up of interest charges—then you will see an era of progress and prosperity in this country such as could never have come otherwise.”
 
It is high time we take Edison’s words to heart. We will be shouted down no longer.
 
Brian O’Brien is the author of “The Tyranny of the Federal Reserve.”

American doctors are the worst in the world

By Brian O’Brien
08/17/2021

The United States has lost more of its citizens to COVID-19 than any other nation. As of Aug. 17, we have lost 638,798 fellow Americans to the virus.

In contrast, India has lost 432,112 of its people. India has more than four times the population of the United States and has lost 200,000 fewer people. 

China also has more than four times the population of the United States, but has lost only 4,636 people. How is this possible?

Are Indian, and especially Chinese doctors, that much better at saving lives than American doctors? From the numbers, it appears they are by several orders of magnitude.

American doctors have epically failed in treating COVID-19 patients, with outcomes worse than doctors in Iran, Russia, Mexico, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, etc.

Japan, a nation of 126 million people with one of the oldest populations on the planet, has lost 15,408 people to COVID-19. Massachusetts, with 6.9 million people, has lost 18,148 people. How can Massachusetts have lost more people to COVID-19 than Japan? 

Maybe to survive COVID-19, we should avoid American doctors like the plague and instead seek treatment from Japanese doctors.

When it comes to COVID-19, the American medical establishment has one overriding solution: vaccines. The solution our doctors are giving us is a leaky vaccine that does not prevent infection, transmission or death from COVID-19. More than 50 percent of our population is vaccinated, yet the pandemic continues. 

We have been subjected to media reports of doctors gloating about intubating unvaccinated patients before allowing them to die. We keep hearing from them over and over that all must be vaccinated. Yet, vaccinated patients are also dying of COVID-19. These vaccinated deaths are seldom publicized, but are increasing by the day. Meanwhile, India, with an 8 percent vaccination rate, has fewer COVID-19 deaths than we do. More disturbing, American doctors are now pressuring us to vaccinate our children who are at virtually zero risk from COVID-19. 

Why are American doctors pressuring us so intensely to receive these vaccines?  

The experts told us the vaccines would end the pandemic, but obviously this has proven false. The COVID-19 vaccines are failing before our eyes. We are seeing breakthrough cases across the nation. There have been so many breakthrough cases that the CDC has stopped counting them. More than 1,500 Americans have suffered fatal breakthrough cases, and the CDC admits this is an undercount. All the nonsense about the vaccines preventing the spread of COVID-19 and causing “herd immunity” has quietly been dropped. The next domino to fall will be the assertion that the vaccines are preventing hospitalizations and deaths. As breakthrough hospitalizations and deaths increase, the medical establishment already has its solution: boosters.

American doctors are pushing vaccines on us that were rushed into production. There has never been a coronavirus vaccine before because previous attempts failed to make it through trials. The NIH has stated that attempts to create coronavirus vaccines for SARS1, MERS and RSV failed because they resulted in antibody-dependent enhancement (ADE).

The NIH admits that COVID-19 vaccines could cause ADE, an autoimmune disorder similar to HIV/AIDS. Yet, doctors continue to push these vaccines on all of us and our children.

The Pfizer vaccine was developed in 9 months. The fastest vaccine ever developed prior was for mumps, which took four years. Side effects from the COVID-19 vaccines are beginning to emerge—myocarditis, pericarditis, Guillain-Barré Syndrome, shingles and Bell's palsy to name a few. Instead of urging caution before mass vaccinating hundreds of millions of people with a vaccine that was developed in an unprecedented record time, the CDC and our doctors are telling us to ignore the possibility of damaging side effects, ignore the possibility of ADE, and instead get vaccinated, even if we are at low risk from COVID-19, and remarkably, even if we have already contracted and survived COVID-19.

American doctors took the Hippocratic Oath to "First do no harm." But it seems our doctors have interpreted this to mean first do no harm to the pharmaceutical companies that lavish them with money. Our doctors have put the interests of Pfizer, Moderna and Johnson & Johnson above the interests and lives of their patients. They have prioritized their own financial well-being over saving the lives of their fellow human beings.

A few brave doctors and scientists are speaking out about the dangers of these vaccines and the damage they are causing their patients. Dr. Ryan Cole, Dr. Robert Malone, Dr. Peter McCullough, Dr. Charles Hoff, Dr. Byram Bridle and the Nobel Prize winning virologist Luc Montagnier have presented evidence that these vaccines are hurting people, harming our children, and increasing the possibility of variants. And doctors on the front lines, such as Dr. Joseph Varon, have been heroically saving COVID-19 patients using simple protocols that are easily and cheaply replicated but are being suppressed by the media and the medical establishment. What has been the response of American doctors and the medical establishment to these doctors and scientists? Character assassination, termination from their positions, ridicule, anger and censorship.

We've been hearing a lot about how we must follow the science. In times like these, it's instructive to look back at the history of how scientific knowledge develops and evolves. 

Over time, a body of knowledge becomes consensus. Certain people master the body of knowledge and become experts. These experts rise to positions of authority in institutions, such as universities, hospitals and government bureaucracies. Meanwhile, practitioners and working scientists apply the body of knowledge in the real world. Sometimes, in practice, anomalies and aberrations will occur that don't conform with what is written in books and taught in schools. The practitioners oftentimes will speak out about information they have discovered that goes against the consensus.

When this happens, experts and authorities have often responded in predictable ways. They attack and ridicule the person who is casting doubt on their area of expertise. They go to the press and use their reputations and positions to character assassinate heretics who have strayed from consensus. They do this because they are not practitioners or working scientists themselves, but instead are bureaucrats who are in positions of authority. These bureaucrats often feel threatened by anyone who casts doubt on their dogma.

There are numerous examples of this pattern of behavior by authorities across time, from the persecution of Galileo to the attacks on Louis Pasteur. One of the most tragic examples is Dr. Ignaz Semmelweiss. Semmelweiss was appalled by the high death rate of mothers who gave birth in the modern hospitals that were being built in Europe in his day. Mothers from educated, modern, well-to-do families gave birth in hospitals staffed by trained doctors. Peasants gave birth like they always had, at home attended by midwives. Semmelweiss observed that mothers giving birth in hospitals died after childbirth at rates above 50 percent, but those attended by midwives did not die after childbirth. He discovered that the simple practice of doctors washing their hands could save the lives of these mothers who were dying of horrible internal infections. Semmelweiss spoke up about his discovery, but the doctors and experts of his day took offense and went on the attack. How could this lowly doctor accuse them of causing the deaths of young mothers? The experts used the press to character assassinate him. They ridiculed him at conferences and seminars and destroyed him professionally. Semmelweiss was silenced when he was committed to an insane asylum where he died. The deaths of mothers giving birth in hospitals continued until practitioners eventually concluded that Semmelweiss was right and the experts were wrong, and so they began going against consensus by washing their hands before attending to birthing mothers. 

Today, Semmelweiss is seen as a tragic hero while his detractors are rightfully seen as arrogant villains.

More than 600,000 Americans have died of COVID-19. Yet people are still listening to the experts who have failed us. 

I believe that like Semmelweiss, eventually Dr. Ryan Cole, Dr. Robert Malone, Dr. Peter McCullough, Dr. Charles Hoff, Dr. Byram Bridle, Luc Montagnier and Dr. Joseph Varon will be vindicated and seen as the heroes of our day because they were brave enough to speak out against the consensus. The villains will be those arrogant authorities who are in charge now and the doctors who are following their failed guidance. In my opinion, the chief villain of our time will be Dr. Anthony Fauci, a man whose solutions to the pandemic have failed, a man who has lied to the American people, and a man who may in fact bear direct responsibility for the deaths of more than half a million Americans. 

The dam is going to break. The sooner the better.

The Trump dossier in historical context

By Brian O’Brien
11/9/2017

For those who know history, it should come as no surprise that the Trump dossier originated from a former British spy.

British intelligence has a long tradition of dropping incendiary documents into the hands of American officials and media at pivotal moments in our political history.

One of the most consequential and effective of these British-supplied documents was the Zimmermann Telegram, which a British naval intelligence officer presented to the U.S. government in early 1917. The contents of the Zimmermann Telegram consisted of a short message from the German Foreign Office to the Mexican government stating that Germany would assist Mexico in reconquering Texas, New Mexico and Arizona, and join forces with Japan against the United States, should German unrestricted submarine warfare cause the United States to enter World War I on the side of the Entente.

The telegram pushed all the right buttons when it came to convincing Americans that Germany was in fact an enemy of the United States and came at a critical moment when the Russian army was in collapse on the Eastern Front and Germany was preparing a Western offensive against the Entente. President Woodrow Wilson, who had been elected in 1916 promising to keep the U.S. out of the war, cited the telegram as a casus belli in his address to Congress asking for a declaration of war against Germany.

“That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors the intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence,” Wilson said in his address.

Congress declared war, tipping the scales against Germany and changing the course of history.

Mainstream historians have agreed that the Zimmermann Telegram was a genuine document. But the scale of British propaganda efforts in the U.S. during World War I, an effort which included fake atrocity stories planted in newspapers, such as Germans bayoneting Belgian babies and cutting off the breasts of nurses, suggest that the telegram may have been a deliberate propaganda trick by British intelligence in collusion with German Foreign Secretary Arthur Zimmermann, the man who facilitated Vladmir Lenin’s passage into Russia and the subsequent Bolshevik Revolution.

In any event, the Zimmermann Telegram was either the greatest diplomatic blunder in German history or Britain’s greatest propaganda victory.

Twenty-four years later, history repeated when British intelligence handed over to American officials another document that was used as a casus belli against Germany. On Oct. 27, 1941, more than a month before the bombing of Pearl Harbor, in a scene reminiscent of President Wilson’s indignation over the Zimmermann Telegram, President Franklin Roosevelt gave a speech on Navy Day in Washington, D.C.

During the speech, Roosevelt held up a map that portrayed a plan for the Nazi takeover of the Western hemisphere. “I have in my possession a secret map made in Germany by Hitler's government—by the planners of the new world order,” Roosevelt said. “… And that map, my friends, makes clear the Nazi design not only against South America but against the United States as well.”

But there never was a Nazi plan to invade the Western Hemisphere. Roosevelt’s speech was based on fake documents provided to him by British Security Coordination, led by Sir William Stephenson—the man called Intrepid, who was tasked by Winston Churchill to bring the U.S. into the war in Europe.

According to an August 2006 article in the British newspaper The Guardian, “BSC became a huge secret agency of nationwide news manipulation and black propaganda.” The article stated that BSC represented one of the largest covert operations in British spying history and that as many as 3,000 British agents were “spreading propaganda and mayhem in a staunchly anti-war America.”

In Thomas Mahl’s book Desperate Deception, Mahl reveals that Roosevelt’s Nazi map was produced at Station M, a phony document factory in Toronto, and was approved by Stephenson himself. The Nazi map and other fake BSC documents were propaganda tricks used in an attempt to bring America into the war, just as the Zimmermann Telegram had been a pretext for war 24 years before.

In more recent times, President George W. Bush stated in his 2003 State of the Union Address, “The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa.” These infamous “Sixteen Words” were based on forged documents that Bush cited as a reason for war against Iraq.

Like the Zimmermann Telegram, Roosevelt’s Nazi map and the Niger uranium forgeries, the Trump dossier was used to influence the American public and our government officials at a critical juncture in our history.

In the 2016 presidential election campaign, Trump often used the slogan “America First,” alluding to the original America First movement, a populist uprising that united Republicans and Democrats against the pro-war propaganda that was becoming pervasive in the American media in the run-up to U.S. entry into World War II.

In 1940 and 1941, British Security Coordination spent considerable effort targeting America First rallies for disruption and its members for defamation and subversion.

After World War II, the sentiments that fueled the rise of the America First movement have been viewed by most mainstream Republican and Democratic politicians as wrong-headed, even un-American, and have been relabeled as isolationism, nativism and protectionism. But the election of Donald Trump signaled a rupture in the post-World War II consensus.

Trump was elected promising to put Americans first by intervening abroad only when American interests were at stake; by renegotiating or pulling out of free trade agreements; and by reducing immigration and cracking down on illegal immigration.

This was in contrast to Hillary Clinton’s vision as revealed in a speech she gave to a Brazilian bank that was published by Wikileaks: “My dream is a hemispheric common market, with open trade and open borders, some time in the future with energy that is as green and sustainable as we can get it, powering growth and opportunity for every person in the hemisphere.”

The Obama administration put considerable effort into negotiating the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), what was potentially the largest trade agreement in history. Passage of the TPP was often portrayed in the American media as an inevitability, but shortly after Trump’s election, the treaty was scrapped. Also scrapped by Trump in his first year in office was American participation in the 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change mitigation, which Trump claimed undermined the American economy and put American industry at a competitive disadvantage. And, as promised in his campaign, the Trump administration is renegotiating our most consequential trade agreement to date, NAFTA. Recent developments suggest that NAFTA may go the way of the TPP.

As President Obama famously stated, “Elections have consequences.”

Trump’s election also promised rapprochement with Russia. But the Trump dossier has made any improvement in relations politically difficult.

The ongoing investigation headed by Special Prosecutor Robert Mueller into possible Trump campaign collusion with Russia has weakened Trump’s hand when it comes to the implementation of his America First agenda and any realignment of relations with Russia.

Despite the fact that much of the information in the Trump dossier is unproven, the document has had a considerable impact on our current political climate. The salacious and seemingly damning contents of the document might have torpedoed the campaign of any other political candidate, but the fact that Trump has survived and still remains popular with his base proves there is tremendous appeal for his America First agenda despite the opposition of neoconservatives, neoliberals and most of the American media, who have been united in their attempts to thwart any populist revival of what they call isolationism, nativism and protectionism.

In an Oct. 30 speech at the U.S. Naval Academy, Senator John McCain, a fierce Trump critic and the man who so happened to supply the Trump dossier to the FBI, said, “We have to fight isolationism, protectionism, and nativism. We have to defeat those who would worsen our divisions.”

What McCain may not realize is that immigration restrictionism, non-interventionism in wars abroad, and tariffs to protect American industry and labor from foreign competition, were policies that our Founding Fathers supported, and were key tenets of the Republican Party platform for a century, from the Lincoln administration until Eisenhower.

Our Founding Fathers might have called McCain’s support for mass immigration, free trade and foreign wars, as un-American, and as possibly the result of the “insidious wiles of foreign influence,” one of the most baneful foes of republican government, as explained by President George Washington in his Farewell Address.

If anything qualifies as an insidious wile of foreign influence, it’s the Trump dossier created by British ex-spy Christopher Steele. The creation and release of the Trump dossier was a calculated attempt at stopping cold a return to traditional policies that put American interests above those of foreigners.

What the Trump dossier has illustrated, and what history tells us, is that when it comes to foreign meddling in American politics, our allies are as much a cause for concern as our rivals and enemies.

Brian O’Brien is the author of “The Tyranny of the Federal Reserve.”

Bringing Back the Draft Won’t Stop Unnecessary Wars

By Brian O’Brien
10/14/2015

(This piece ran first in THE AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE.)

Every now and then the old argument that the draft should be reinstated pops back up. Most recently it appeared here at The American Conservative in a piece by Dennis Laich and Lawrence Wilkerson that contended America’s all-volunteer force is deeply unfair. Without directly stating it, they implied that the draft should be brought back.

“Said more explicitly,” they write, “if the sons and daughters of members of Congress, of the corporate leadership, of the billionaire class, of the Ivy Leagues, of the elite in general, were exposed to the possibility of combat, would we have less war?”

It seems like a reasonable question. Fortunately, history gives us the answer: No, we would not have less war. In fact, when we’ve had a draft we’ve actually had more war and more Americans killed in battle by several orders of magnitude.


In one 33-year period from 1940 to 1973 when conscription was in effect, we had three of the largest wars in American history, resulting in 497,271 Americans killed. In the 44 years since the end of the draft, we’ve engaged in a series of small overseas conflicts and three undeclared wars with about 7,000 Americans killed. About as many of our countrymen were killed in the Normandy landings than in all the wars since the end of the draft.

America has never fought a war with volunteers in which more than 10,000 Americans were killed in action. America has never fought a war with draftees in which there were fewer than 30,000 KIAs. There is no question about it: our biggest and highest-casualty wars have been fought with drafted troops.

 Read the rest in THE AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE.

The independence of the Fed scam

By Brian O’Brien
11/19/2015
 
It is repeated like a mantra. The independence of the Federal Reserve is vital to sound monetary policy.

The argument goes that an independent Fed is able to base its decisions on sound economic principles rather than political expediency.

Because of constant pressure from electoral cycles, Congress cannot be trusted to make impartial monetary decisions. Congress might easily fall into the trap of inflationary policies and financial irresponsibility to gain short term political advantage, which can cause long term economic harm.

Fed independence removes political concerns from the monetary equation to allow for a more stable monetary system.

The consensus is that bankers are more responsible than our elected representatives when it comes to regulating our money supply.

Responsible bankers. Yes, it’s laughable. An oxymoron. But this was the logic that convinced Congress to delegate away its monetary authority to an independent central bank. And this is the logic that continues to be used to argue against more scrutiny of one of the most powerful agencies in the United States today.

Over a century ago, the Federal Reserve was deliberately designed to ensure its independence from Congress. The 12 regional Federal Reserve Banks were organized as private corporations that are owned and controlled by their shareholders, which are the member banks in each region. These 12 Federal Reserve Banks control the money supply. The Federal Reserve Board of Governors in Washington, D.C. conducts monetary policy and has oversight of the regional Federal Reserve Banks. The President of the United States selects the seven members of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors who are confirmed by the Senate. The Fed Governors serve staggered 14-year terms that span multiple presidential terms to ensure that no president can select all the members of the board. And because the Fed is self-funded by the revenue it collects from government bonds, no government agency controls its budget.

In 2007 on PBS's News Hour, Alan Greenspan, who served as Fed Chairman from 1987 to 2006, clarified the relationship between the government and the Fed. “Well, first of all, the Federal Reserve is an independent agency, and that means, basically, that there is no other agency of government which can overrule actions that we take,” he said.

No other agency of government has as much independence as the Fed. Arguably, no other agency of government has as much power.


Whenever Congress threatens to increase its scrutiny of the Fed’s decisions and actions, the press and Fed officials will recite the mantra that the Fed must retain its independence.

On Nov. 4, Fed Vice-Chair Stanley Fischer reiterated the mantra during a speech at the 2015 Herbert Stein Memorial Lecture National Economists Club. Fischer stated that economic theory has long postulated that central bank independence results in low inflation and financial stability. “The theoretical case for monetary policy independence focused on countering inflationary biases that were likely to exert themselves in the absence of an independent central bank,” he said. “Such a bias could result from political pressure to boost output in the short run—for example, before an election—or to use a central bank's power to issue money as a means to finance government spending.”

Federal Reserve Chairwoman Janet Yellen repeated the mantra on Nov. 16 in a letter to House Speaker Paul Ryan and Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi regarding the proposed Fed Oversight Reform and Modernization Act (FORM), which seeks to tie interest rate policy to a mathematical rule.

"Unfortunately, the FORM Act attempts to increase transparency and accountability through misguided provisions that would expose the Federal Reserve to short-term political pressures," Yellen said.

According to CNBC, the White House issued a veto threat for the bill reasoning that the proposal would politicize the Fed's monetary policy decisions.

This wasn’t the first time a Fed chair has spoken out against a threat to Fed independence. In 2009, Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke was outspoken in his opposition to the Federal Reserve Transparency Act and lobbied Congress to oppose the bill, which sought to subject the Fed to an audit from the Government Accountability Office. The Fed had previously resisted a partial audit in 2011 which revealed that between 2008 and 2009 the Fed had provided $16 trillion in secret low-interest loans to American and foreign banks and businesses during the downturn caused by the housing the bust. This $16 trillion was on top of the $700 billion Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) bailout of the banks that Congress authorized in 2008.

The 2011 partial audit revealed that the Fed had doled out more money to banks than the gross domestic product of the United States—an amount nearly five times the size of the U.S. government's annual budget. This money not only went to America's biggest banks, but to foreign banks in Europe and Asia, and Congress had no knowledge of it. The mainstream media largely ignored the results of the audit.

The partial audit revealed that William C. Dudley, who was a senior official at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York at the time, owned stock in the insurance firm American International Group (AIG) when the Fed bailed it out.

The Federal Reserve Transparency Act had the support of both Democrats and Republicans in the House and passed 327 to 98. However, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid refused to allow the Senate's version of the bill to come to a vote.

Bernanke wrote letters of praise to Congress members who had opposed the bill. “While the outcome of the vote was not in doubt, your willingness to stand up for the independence of the Federal Reserve is greatly appreciated,” Bernanke wrote. “Independence in monetary policy operations is now the norm for central banks around the world—and it would be a grave mistake were Congress to reverse the protection it provided to the Federal Reserve more than 30 years ago.”

When it comes to Federal Reserve independence, the media comes down firmly on the side of the Fed.

“We really don't want the posturing blowhards who have brought us government shutdowns, mindless cuts in government services and six years of legislative gridlock in charge of managing our money,” business columnist Darrell Delamaide wrote in a Feb. 3, 2015 article in USA Today.

In July 2009, during the depths of the housing bust, MediaNews Group newspapers in Northern California ran an editorial in defense of Fed independence. The op-ed stated that Bernanke was taking criticism from both sides of the aisle in Congress due to the Fed's failure to uncover unsound lending practices by financial firms.

“It is essential that the central bank remain independent of congressional influence, which could result in financial decisions by the Fed being based more on partisan politics than sound economics,” the editorial stated. “The Fed should be given a chance to show that with some additional new authority, it can keep a check on the lending practices of financial institutions without the aid of a new consumer protection bureaucracy and the meddling of Congress.”

This mantra of central bank independence is not a uniquely American phenomenon. Most central banks around the world are independent from their national governments. Most are owned by their member banks and regulated by the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) in Basel, Switzerland.

The BIS is a private corporation not under the jurisdiction of any country and operates above the laws of any nation. Its officials are unelected and unaccountable to governments. The salaries of its employees aren’t even subject to taxes. In Basel, the central bankers of the world act in concert, by agreements arrived at in secret meetings and conferences, not subject to the scrutiny of the press or oversight by any government agency.

Since the formation of the Fed, our nation has experienced a century of economic turbulence. We have lurched from economic crisis to economic crisis. Under the stewardship of the Fed, we experienced our worst economic collapse, the Great Depression, which many argue was caused by the Fed. Yet the mantra of Fed independence is repeated decade after decade even as financial turmoil continues to roil the economy to our present day and Fed actions become increasingly suspect and economically harmful to most Americans except the richest few. All the while, supporters of central banks repeat the mantra of central bank independence as if it is a sacrosanct economic truism and a necessity for economic stability, despite historical evidence to the contrary.

Where did this mantra come from?

The origin of the mantra can be traced back at least two centuries to a very specific group of people who had a very specific agenda. Georgetown historian Carroll Quigley told us the origins of the axiom of central bank independence in his book Tragedy and Hope.

Quigley tells us the concept was promoted by the international banking dynasties of Europe that rose to wealth and power in the 19th century. “The names of some of these banking families are familiar to all of us and should be more so,” Quigley wrote. “They include Raring, Lazard, Erlanger, Warburg, Schroder, Seligman, the Speyers, Mirabaud, Mallet, Fould, and above all Rothschild and Morgan.”

Quigley wrote, “The influence of financial capitalism and of the international bankers who created it was exercised both on business and on governments, but could have done neither if it had not been able to persuade both these to accept two ‘axioms’ of its own ideology. Both of these were based on the assumption that politicians were too weak and too subject to temporary popular pressures to be trusted with control of the money system; accordingly, the sanctity and values and the soundness of money must be protected in two ways: by basing the value of money on gold and by allowing bankers to control the supply of money. To do this it was necessary to conceal, or even mislead, both governments and people about the nature of money and its methods of operation.”

Quigley tells us the international bankers had an agenda, nothing less than to create a world system of financial control in private hands able to dominate the political system of each country and the economy of the world as a whole. “This system was to be controlled in a feudalist fashion by the central banks of the world acting in concert, by secret agreements arrived at in frequent meetings and conferences. The apex of the system was to be the Bank for International Settlements in Basel, Switzerland; a private bank owned and controlled by the world's central banks which were themselves private corporations.”

The international bankers abandoned the gold standard in 1971 when it no longer suited their purposes. But they cling to the axiom of central bank independence as if it is a life and death matter. Central banks must be independent from elected officials to ensure the agenda of the international bankers can continue to be implemented without political pressures from elected representatives of the people.

Many Americans today agree that monetary policy is too important a matter to be left in the hands of elected congressmen. But if monetary decisions are too important for our elected representatives, what about other important decisions, such as the decision to go to war? Or the decision to raise taxes? Or to make laws?

Under the Fed's logic, why should any important decision at all be left to congressmen who are subject to electoral pressures? But isn't the whole point of the electoral cycle to make our representatives accountable to the public—so that we can throw them out of office and replace them if they are making decisions that are adversely affecting our lives?

Congress was designed by the Founders to represent the interests of the states and of the American people at large. Congress members are directly elected to give we the people our most direct voice in the federal government.

Congress represents us, for better or worse. It is the voice of the people and of the states in the federal government, yet it is often maligned in our media.

Under the current monetary system, when monetary policy set by the Fed results in economic hardship for the American people, we use the power of the ballot box to throw the bums out of Congress and throw the bum out of the White House; but the bums who set the monetary policy remain entrenched at the Fed safe from the electorate, free from blame, and free from the threat of losing their jobs. There is no accountability for their actions.

It is Congress that created the Fed and it is in Congress where the Fed's biggest critics speak out against it today. Congress, impelled by the will of the people, has the power to kill the Fed. The bankers and the owners of the media know this. A strong anti-Congress propaganda effort has been at work to turn the people against any congressional action that would weaken the Fed's power.

Power in the United States today is concentrated in the Federal Reserve Bank. Today is the time for action to be taken against the bank—to fully audit it, arrest anyone involved in malfeasance, shut it down and put in place a new monetary system that is not controlled by a small clique of international financiers and the shareholders of banks and multinational corporations. We need to put Congress back in charge of monetary policy as the Constitution specifies.

Inflation hurts the majority of the American people the most when prices for the necessities of life rise while our wages stagnate and the value of our savings declines. If Congress were in charge of monetary policy, wouldn’t we throw the bums out of office if inflation started to adversely affect us? Wouldn’t we elect people who promised not to cause inflation?

Whether you believe Congress should take back its monetary authority depends on whether you believe in the American experiment of self-government. The current ruling class does not believe in the American experiment and prefers to have unaccountable private bankers in control of the money supply.

Since rule by the international bankers has been a disaster that is continuing to worsen, giving self-government and the Constitution another chance is at least worth a shot. If we continue with the current system, we are going to lose our country, our independence, our prosperity and our freedom.

When you hear arguments that the Fed must retain its independence, don’t believe the propaganda.

Independence of the Fed is a scam. It is about profit and power, nothing more. We the people must take back our money from the bankers and take back our country. What is needed is a popular movement that organizes to elect monetary reformers to Congress. It can be done.

Brian O’Brien is the author of “The Tyranny of the Federal Reserve.”

Lowenstein and the Ghost of Andrew Jackson

By Brian O’Brien
11/12/2015

It turns out the conspiracy theorists were right. A cabal of powerful bankers led by a corrupt senator actually did put on disguises and sneak off in the night to a Victorian mansion on the ominously named Jekyll Island where they plotted the creation of the Federal Reserve.

“You gotta hand it to the conspiracy theorists, because, in fact, there was a conspiracy,” Roger Lowenstein told Ky Ryssdall during an interview on NPR about Lowenstein’s new book America’s Bank.

The meeting on Jekyll Island is unknown to most Americans, or else has remained in the realm of conspiracy theory and legend, but details leaked out over the decades in memoirs and in reports in the financial press. Several writers have written about the clandestine meeting, but Lowenstein takes us behind the scenes like no one has before and gives us the clearest picture yet of what happened during that fateful gathering on Jekyll Island in the winter of 1910.

Turkey, pheasant and venison roast in the kitchen at the exclusive Jekyll Island Club. The conspirators lounge on plush, ornate furniture, smoke cigars and drink their digestifs by a roaring fire. We listen in on the arguments and debates between the passionately driven Paul Warburg and the stern and commanding Senator Nelson Aldrich. We feast with them and work late into the night drawing up plans for a central bank, which cannot outwardly appear to be a central bank lest the American people and Congress rise up in populist anger and reject it out of hand.

History is written by the victors. In America’s Bank, Lowenstein gives us the victors’ narrative of the chain of events that led to the creation of the Federal Reserve. If you are wondering who those victors are, they are JPMorgan Chase, Citigroup, and the big international banks that have dominated the global economy over the past century. Wall Street banks were the beneficiaries of the Federal Reserve Act and they have risen to global dominance since its passage.

Roger Lowenstein is a highly regarded financial journalist who has written for some of America’s biggest and most influential newspapers and magazines, including The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, Fortune and Atlantic Monthly. He has now written six books about Wall Street and finance—his first was an admiring biography of Warren Buffet.

Lowenstein is connected and knows finance. As well he should. In addition to being a best-selling author, he serves as chairman of the board of the multi-billion dollar hedge fund the Sequoia Fund, which was founded by one of Buffet’s close friends.

It’s been a marvel to behold America’s Bank being promoted in the press. Articles by Lowenstein about his book and glowing reviews have been printed in The Wall Street Journal, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The L.A. Times, Forbes and numerous other newspapers, magazines and websites, not to mention that chat with Ryssdall on NPR. This is how narrative becomes history in the minds of the American people.

The person who reviewed America’s Bank for The New York Times was none other than Robert Rubin, who worked 26 years as an investment banker for Goldman Sachs, then as Treasury Secretary at the U.S. Treasury where he was a leading advocate with Fed Chair Alan Greenspan and Deputy Treasury Secretary Larry Summers for massive deregulation of the financial sector. After Rubin’s de-regulating was done, he joined Citigroup as chairman of the executive committee and chairman of the board of directors. While Rubin was at Citigroup, the federal government injected $45 billion in taxpayer money into the bank and guaranteed some $300 billion in illiquid assets. Rubin left Citigroup in 2009 having enriched himself by $126 million during his tenure. After leaving the bank, he has been a frequent attendee of the Bilderberg Conference and became a co-chairman of the Council on Foreign Relations, an organization co-founded by the primary author of the Federal Reserve Act, Paul Warburg. Needless to say, Rubin loved Lowenstein’s book.

In his book, Lowenstein tells us how back at the turn of the century, popular opinion was hostile to the very idea of a central bank, but Wall Street bankers enlisted The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal and newspapers across the country in a propaganda campaign to convince the American people that a central bank was in their best interest. The press and the Federal Reserve have had a symbiotic relationship from the beginning that continues to this day.

That being said, supporters and detractors of the Fed will both find valuable information and new insights in America’s Bank. Lowenstein is an excellent researcher and a solid writer who can tell a good story. In America’s Bank, he brings past events and personalities to life in a clear and easy style.

Woodrow Wilson, Teddy Roosevelt, William Howard Taft, Col. Edward M. House, J.P. Morgan, Jacob Schiff, Carter Glass, William Jennings Bryan, and most importantly, Senator Nelson Aldrich and Paul Warburg, are all characters who play important roles in this story. Lord Rothschild even makes an appearance.

The story of the creation of the Federal Reserve begins when the German-born international banker Paul Warburg moved to New York City in 1902. Warburg had married Nina Loeb, daughter of Solomon Loeb, founder of the powerful New York investment firm Kuhn, Loeb & Co. Warburg went to work for the firm where his brother-in-law and mentor, the great international financier Jacob Schiff, was a senior partner.

At the time, Teddy Roosevelt was president and America was on the gold standard. The American economy had grown to become the largest, richest and most modern in the world, but was periodically wracked by financial crises. The money supply was held in the reserves of the nation’s banks. Each bank was an autonomous unit that acted independently in a laissez-faire banking system.

Most Americans worked in agriculture then and farmers held their money in country banks. The country banks deposited their reserves in city banks where returns were higher. The city banks then sent their reserves to Wall Street banks which used all this money to speculate on the stock market. But during the harvest months, farmers withdrew their savings from the country banks and took out loans to pay for seed, labor and equipment. This drained reserves from Wall Street and the cities to the country, causing the money supply to contract in urban areas during the economically busiest months of the year. It was an unorganized system in which the money supply swung between rapid expansions and violent contractions, where speculation was rampant and led to exuberant booms followed by devastating busts.

Warburg looked at the American monetary system with European eyes and was appalled. He held a passionate belief that America needed a central bank like those in Europe to control the bank reserves of the nation. But Schiff told Warburg that Americans would never accept any institution that even resembled a central bank.

Warburg discovered that America was haunted by a ghost—the ghost of Andrew Jackson.

America had established three central banks in its history. The first was the Bank of North America formed during the Revolutionary War before the ratification of the Constitution. It was replaced in 1791 by the First Bank of the United States, which was subsequently closed down after its 20-year charter expired. The Second Bank of the United States was chartered in 1816, but it was closed down in 1836 by President Andrew Jackson who had fought what was called the Bank War against it. Jackson had vowed to kill the bank and did.

Each of America’s central banks had been accused of engaging in fraud and corruption, of concentrating wealth and power into the hands of their shareholders and of being servants of plutocrats and foreign financiers.

The Second Bank of the United States had been dead and buried for more than half a century when Warburg arrived in the United States, but the ghost of Jackson was preventing any new central bank from rising up to replace it. Americans, especially Democrats from the Party of Jackson, did not trust bankers, especially central bankers, who wanted to centralize the American banking system.

When the Panic of 1907 caused widespread financial chaos in New York City and across the country, Warburg was not about to let the crisis go to waste. He went to work in the press and with bankers and politicians, trying to convince everyone that a central bank was the answer.

But an obstacle to banking reform was Rhode Island Senator Nelson Aldrich, who was the most powerful man in Congress and chairman of the Senate Finance Committee.

Aldrich had been born in a farmhouse. His father was a hard drinker who had not achieved success in life. Aldrich came from a humble background, but carried himself like an aristocrat and had a burning ambition to amass a fortune like the great robber baron monopolists of his day. The robber barons had gotten rich in railroads, steel, oil and shipping, but Aldrich’s road to riches was through politics. He became an agent of big business in Congress, especially for the Sugar Trust, and served the plutocrats so well that they enriched him by cutting him into favorable business deals.

“Aldrich, of course, was accustomed to leveraging his position for private gain,” Lowenstein wrote.

Lowenstein tells us that Aldrich was a card-playing companion of America’s most powerful banker, J.P. Morgan. Aldrich’s daughter Abby married John D. Rockefeller Jr., heir to the Rockefeller fortune. John D. Rockefeller Sr. was the richest man in America at the time, and by most measures the richest American ever.

Aldrich was opposed to banking reform and preferred the status quo, but after the Panic of 1907, he experienced a conversion. Warburg won him over and convinced him that a central bank was what America needed.

In response to the Panic, Congress established the bipartisan National Monetary Commission to study solutions to America’s banking problems. Aldrich was named the commission’s chairman. He took members of the commission on a fact-finding mission to Europe to study the central banks there. The first stop on their tour was at J.P. Morgan’s London mansion where Aldrich and his fellow fact-finders had dinner with Morgan and Lord Rothschild. Lowenstein says nothing more about Aldrich’s dinner with America’s most powerful banker and the most powerful banker in the British Empire, but, surely, the dinner conversation must have been splendid.

When Aldrich returned from Europe, he assembled Abram Piatt Andrew, assistant secretary of the Treasury; Henry P. Davison, a J.P Morgan senior partner; Charles D. Norton, president of J.P. Morgan's First National Bank of New York; Frank A. Vanderlip, president of National City Bank; and Warburg at Jekyll Island where the outline for what became the Federal Reserve Act was then written.

John D. Rockefeller Sr. is curiously absent from America’s Bank, but we know America’s richest man was heavily involved in banking. National City Bank was the biggest bank of the day. Today, it is known as Citigroup. Chase Bank has often been called the Rockefeller bank, but in his memoirs, David Rockefeller, grandson of Senator Nelson Aldrich and John D. Rockefeller Sr., tells us that National City Bank was really more of a Rockefeller Bank than Chase. John D. Rockefeller Sr.’s brother, William, owned a substantial percent of National City’s stock and was closely associated with James Stillman, the bank’s president between 1891 and 1909. Two of William’s sons married two of Stillman’s daughters.

When David Rockefeller became president of Chase in the 1960s, William Rockefeller’s grandson Stillman Rockefeller was chairman of First National City Bank, which later became Citigroup. Surely, John D. Rockefeller Sr. must have had some influence in the creation of the Fed. But what his influence was we will not learn from Lowenstein’s book.

After Jekyll Island, Aldrich returned to Congress and pushed for acceptance of the Aldrich Plan for a central bank while Warburg went to work in the press and with various business and banking groups in an attempt to turn public opinion. All the while Warburg kept it a secret that he had essentially been the primary author of the Aldrich Plan.

Unfortunately for the plan, muckraking journalists had so tarnished Aldrich’s name that it had become synonymous with crony capitalism and big business corruption. Taft was president but Congress had changed hands to the Democratic Party. Taft did not have the political capital to get any plan for a central bank through Congress, especially one with Aldrich’s name attached. The Aldrich Plan was dead in the water.

In a twist of fate, Teddy Roosevelt turned on his old friend Taft and made a third party run for president. Roosevelt split the Republican vote which enabled Woodrow Wilson to ascend to the White House. Wilson was a progressive reformer who had promised populist banking reforms, but had surrounded himself with Wall Street bankers. The bankers had switched parties and thrown their weight behind Wilson.

Lowenstein tells us how the mysterious Col. Edward M. House, the Gríma Wormtongue of American history, brought the fiery populist enemy of the banks, Williams Jennings Bryan, over to the Wilson camp. Wilson made Bryan secretary of state instead of treasury secretary, which kept Bryan on his side but safely out of the bank reform business. Congressman Carter Glass had taken the lead in writing a bank reform bill which up until it was signed was sold as a progressive reform, and which Bryan endorsed without being allowed to read.

Despite Democratic disdain for Aldrich, Glass’s bill was nothing more than the Aldrich Plan repackaged. Bryan had been betrayed. Warburg later proved in his book The Federal Reserve System that the structure and much of the wording of the Federal Reserve Act had actually been written on Jekyll Island.

Wilson signed the bill that gave us the Federal Reserve and set the stage for the American Century—a century of war, debt and an expansive government which spread its reach around the globe and deeper into all our lives.

Reading America's Bank, it is easy to draw parallels between the passage of the Federal Reserve Act and the passing of controversial bills today, such as the Affordable Care Act. A progressive president promises populist reforms; a bill is written by industry insiders and rushed through Congress with the help of a compliant media; a powerful, profit-devouring financial cartel is then created that reaches deeply into all our lives.

Lowenstein does a great job in piecing together the facts of history from numerous sources. But he tells the story firmly on the side of Warburg and agrees wholeheartedly with him that America needed a central bank—one that is independent from Congress and from public oversight. Lowenstein gives the characters in this story the benefit of the doubt that they acted in good faith and did what was best for the country—that the Fed was the best possible outcome for America and that bankers were not seizing control of the American money supply for private profit and power as detractors of the Fed said back then and still say today.

Of course, Warburg’s viewpoint is easily refuted. The Fed, and no central bank, has stopped financial chaos and pain. Booms and busts are symptoms of fractional reserve banking whether a central bank exists or not. The biggest bust in history, the Great Depression, struck the nation under the Fed’s watch. Booms and busts continue to our day.

Despite the constant propaganda we hear day in and day out, history clearly shows that the Fed does not protect American workers from losing their homes or their jobs during financial crises. During the housing bust of 2007, millions of Americans lost their homes and jobs while the biggest banks were bailed out. The Fed merely protects its owners, the big banks, such as JPMorgan Chase and Citigroup. It provides them with unlimited liquidity when the American people are being thrown out into the streets as their employers shut down and their homes are seized by debt collectors.

There are better ways to organize a monetary system.

No doubt another point of contention for critics of the Fed is the title of the book. The Fed cannot really be considered America’s bank. The Fed was purposefully designed to be independent from the American public and our representatives in Congress. The Fed does not belong to the American people but instead to its shareholders who own stock in the 12 regional Fed banks, which the Jekyll Island conspirators organized not as public institutions but as privately owned corporations that pay a guaranteed 6 percent dividend to their shareholders. These shareholders own and control the Fed, and they are as likely to be foreigners as Americans.

For evidence of this point, look no further than Stanley Fischer. Fischer is emblematic of the transnational elite that rules over our country today. Fischer was born in Northern Rhodesia, which is now Zambia. He spent his childhood in Africa and Israel before earning degrees in economics from the London School of Economics and then a Ph.D. from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Over his career, he held high ranking positions at the World Bank, the IMF and Citigroup. He was also a member of David Rockefeller’s Trilateral Commission. In 2005, he was appointed chairman of the Bank of Israel—Israel's central bank. In 2014, President Obama appointed Fischer as the vice-chair of the Federal Reserve, which is the second most powerful position at the Fed, second only to the Fed chair. Apparently, in our nation of 320 million people there is no one else as qualified to serve as vice-chair of the Fed than the former chairman of a foreign central bank.

America’s Bank comes to an end after a confusing and rushed flurry of backroom dealing and frenetic negotiations in Congress at the end of 1913 when Congressmen were eager to begin their long, cold winter journey home for the Christmas holiday. A final version of the Federal Reserve Act passed both the House and Senate and was sent to Wilson who signed it at the White House on Dec. 23, 1913, as his closest advisors looked on.

With the Act signed, Lowenstein concludes the book, stating, “Now, three quarters of a century after Andrew Jackson, the ghost was slain.”

But this is untrue. The ghost of Jackson has not been slain. Jackson’s ghost still haunts America with words of warning about the evils of a central bank. Jackson’s influence is now being strongly felt in Congress and across America as more and more people figure out that the Federal Reserve is not serving our interests but instead is serving a small clique of international bankers.

Lowenstein and his banker friends hope that Jackson’s ghost has been slain once and for all—that the American people will not rise up in populist Jacksonian anger and kill the Fed. The words attributed to Jackson long ago can still strike fear into the hearts of bankers everywhere, because those words still ring true.

“Gentlemen! I too have been a close observer of the doings of the Bank of the United States. I have had men watching you for a long time, and am convinced that you have used the funds of the bank to speculate in the breadstuffs of the country. When you won, you divided the profits amongst you, and when you lost, you charged it to the bank. You tell me that if I take the deposits from the bank and annul its charter I shall ruin ten thousand families. That may be true, gentlemen, but that is your sin! Should I let you go on, you will ruin fifty thousand families, and that would be my sin! You are a den of vipers and thieves. I have determined to rout you out, and by the Eternal God, I will rout you out!”

Brian O’Brien is the author of “The Tyranny of the Federal Reserve.”